Thursday, 29 January 2015

These Dark Satanic Mills - Part Two

The blackbird whirled in the autumn winds.   
It was a small part of the pantomime.   
 A man and a woman   
Are one.   
A man and a woman and a blackbird   
Are one.   
                 -- Wallace Stevens, Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Blackbird

London was twice born of fire.  Once called Londinium by the Roman settlers, it became a vessel for the wrath of an Iceni queen.  In revenge for the brutal rapes of her daughters, as well as her own torture, she unleashed a furious revolt that would leave three Roman cities in ashes and cinders.  Londinium was burned to the ground, along with two other strongholds, and all those who had not already fled were slaughtered as the tribe advanced.  Eighty-thousand souls were killed in the revolt – sacrificed to the fury of a tortured queen and her raped daughters.  The geologic strata of London still bares the mark of that fury; a dark red seam of ash running beneath the earth.  As unsettling as it may be to consider, the birth of this city is intertwined with blood, fire and sexual violence.  But as I said, London was twice born of fire.  The London we are now familiar with was intended as a New Jerusalem, raised from a second scorched earth.  Six centuries after the Iceni queen’s revolt, during the end of a harvest season, a great conflagration consumed the entire medieval city.  The city was eventually rebuilt once more, in the patterns and symbols we half-recognise today.  In a very real way London was built upon the bones, labours and memories of the violated and the dead, as all cities are.  A century later, the first pre-shocks of the global social quake that would become the revolution of industry found its way to the newly-imagined and manifested London.

The industrial revolution ushered the age of reason, the ascendancy of the left-brain, the birth of what we might even call modern atheism.  Our rural agrarian existences were still interconnected with the magic and meaning of the land, our internal pantheon of right-brain gods still lifting veils and traversing boundaries.  Visions, madness, art and prophecy still hummed resonantly within our psyches.  But the clatter and din and scorched steel of industry took the production of tools and meaning quite literally out of our hands. The birth of industry drowned our right-brain gods with an explosion of left-brain activity.  That intimate language of land and stars and folk-secrets was lost beneath the newly-organized maelstrom.  And perhaps it was, at least partially, a necessary shift.  But the expansion of human production, culture and society during the mid-eighteenth century through to the mid-nineteenth was a multidimensional expansion.  It brought with it greater suffering as well as greater freedoms, greater darkness as well as greater light.  Mass-production implied mass-poverty, and mass-murder.  Because the War of Industry, like all wars, was waged and fought and carried on the backs of the poor; the working-classes, the underclass, the illiterate and the foreign.  And while we offered up social visions of boundless creativity and scintillating new paradigms to our benevolent gods in the hopes of them making it so, we also offered blood to our darker gods in the hope of cultivating power and wealth in these strange new rising cities.  Cities raised in human sweat and human blood, paid for by a new form of genocide-economics – cities engineered through the most merciless exploitation.  These tall shining cities now hum with more than just sacrifice, but if you turn inward and listen with a subtler ear you can still hear the old and salt.   


The blood and the gods still communicate with us from the drowned depths of the unconscious. The industrial revolution had succeeded in reshaping human society into bustling, strange new edifices, and hordes of people were pouring into the growing cities.  It was at this time during the middle of the nineteenth century – during the rise of the Victorian era – that the darkest practices of Britain’s power-elite were threatened like no other time in the country’s history.  The heart of those practices lay in London – that ancient city twice baptised by fire.  The passing of the Offences Against the Persons Act 1861 brought more consolidation and regulation to many common law provisions, and gave the British government the ability to enforce those regulations on a broader national scale.  But the legislation was many things, both dark and light, and many among London’s elites were afraid of it.  It was the murky and tentative beginnings of real legal human rights for women and children, and finally overturned the death-penalty for homosexuals.  True change is frightening to any tribe or society, especially its rulers.  Many powerful men did not want this Act to be passed for the simple reason that they recognized how deeply it could affect their hidden black-market interests. 

Homosexuals, immigrants and the British poor were publicly hated, mocked and exploited by the Establishment, and were continually demonized and offered up as scapegoats for London’s profitable ills.  Prejudice and utter bigotry was rampant.  For example, if you were homosexual rather than heterosexual, a partaker of ‘unnatural acts’ in the eyes of the law – meaning anal sex between two consenting men – you deserved to be executed.  Homosexuals were actively tried, convicted and killed by the State before 1861.  After the Act the death-penalty for being homosexual was lifted, but it allowed the Establishment to enforce new draconian measures to persecute them.  Essentially, they still had no legal right to even exist.  Instead of death it was deemed fit for ‘convicted’ homosexuals to spend the rest of their lives in dark, hellish prisons.  The Act also allowed the government to actively regulate the heterosexual age of consent at twelve, meaning it was acceptable and legal for an adult male to have sex with a girl of twelve and above.  But in the harsh light of day the age of consent was generally enforced as ten, seeing as how ‘consensual’ sexual interaction with a girl between the ages of ten and twelve rarely resulted in a prison sentence for those with social-standing, and was enforced mostly through fines, if at all.  However, it was usually the middle and upper classes that benefited from the leniency of these fines.  These laws did little to protect girls over ten or twelve, or children of any age from poor working-class families, who found themselves abused by men in positions of trust or power.  Amendments to the Act in 1871 begrudgingly increased the heterosexual age of consent to thirteen.  This amendment fared little better in protecting the poorest and most vulnerable from sexual abuse.  Remember, the vast majority of the working-classes in Britain at that time were not as we understand the term today; they were more accurately an underclass, generally reviled and hated by those above them.  They found virtually no protection from a legal system and sociopolitical power structure that saw fit to simultaneously abuse, exploit and publicly condemn them.  In the major cities it was even worse with the concentration of new heavy-industry, and the concordant threshing of human resources fed to the Empire’s imperialist machinery.  But the passing of the ‘Offense Against the Persons Act 1861’ in Britain sparked a clandestine and dangerous military-intelligence war centred in Victorian London – one so dark and reprehensible that it would eventually shape the spiritual and sociopolitical landscape of the next century.


As compromised and tentative as it was, the passing of the Offenses Against the Persons Act in 1861 ended state-sanctioned death for homosexuals and would eventually usher the birth of women’s and children’s rights in this country.  It made staggering corruption, exploitation and oppression that much harder to operate with impunity.  It also finally acknowledged child-stealing as an actual offense that was now officially legally punishable, outlined in Section 56 of the document.  The power-elites of Britain at that time were still able to orchestrate and manage their profitable businesses of child-prostitution and human-trafficking – in truth a shadow Empire that was fed and supported by lesser criminal networks within the middle and working-classes – but these elites were suddenly no longer allowed the freedom and ease that the earlier half of the nineteenth century had afforded them.  This was the genesis of the industrialized form of covert slavery enforced by the predator-class in this country that we live with and sense but don’t fully recognize even today.  There were many other contributing forces at work, but the passing of the Act in 1861 – and its fortuitous timing – was in a sense the touchpaper that sparked a secret Victorian war.  Many within these predator-elites feared that the Act set new dangerous precedents.  They believed it gave the destitute underclass ideas above their station, that it gave them the first inklings of real hope in this new industrialized modernity.  For some of the ruling-class it was seen as a legal quibble, a mere trifle, but there were others who recognized its implicit power to damage their healthy slave-trades.  This inspired the elites who ran these large prostitution and human-trafficking businesses to go completely underground, and formulate a far broader and organised scheme of optimisation.  It made them angry, and thus far more dangerous.

Slavery was not officially abolished throughout most of the British Empire until 1833, but it still continued in various explicit and implicit forms.  Those who continued to practice, endorse or administrate it were often protected by the creative litigators of the Establishment.  The organised sexual abuse of African women and children during the Atlantic Slave Trade is a vast and horrifying subject in and of itself.  In the United States slavery was not officially abolished until the winter of 1865, four years after the British ‘Offenses Against the Persons Act 1861’ was passed in London.  I highlight these details to provide context, to illuminate the nature of how the ruling Victorian predator-class perceived vast subsections of the human population.  For a very long time dehumanization and defilement of various domestic and foreign enemies was a matter of State for Britain, and much of the western world.  Sadly, in a covert sense it still is.  The real reason why the Offenses Against the Persons Act 1861 was such an affront to the London elites of the time is because at the heart of these rapidly-expanding trafficking and prostitution rings existed a carefully hidden network of ‘hunting-circles’; an elite within the various elites whereby the most powerful and well-protected could privately siphon off children and women from these networks to be sexually abused, hunted or killed for sport.  This is not fiction.  These groups were small and few, but they were undeniably powerful.  Similar covert hunting-circles of rich and powerful individuals operated with near-impunity during the Atlantic Slave Trade, and these elite groups did not suddenly give up their predilections when the British Empire publicly announced its new condemnation of slavery.  African slavery and modern white-slavery are intimately connected – an unbroken lineage of dehumanizing ideologies and outright pathologies, where those who profit most are often the highest in the land.  

This is what really lies at the heart of human-trafficking worldwide, and in truth always has done since the very birth of Western civilisation.  There exists a spiritual void hidden at the centre of our societies, whereby a small group of ever-warring elites and their endless hordes of neophytes use interconnected criminal networks to put human emancipation to sword.  The sexual abuse and murder of the poor or young or vulnerable for the pleasure of the rich and powerful has been a part of our human societies for a long, long time.  It’s only now as societies grow and evolve that this endemic corruption at its heart becomes too vast to hide or misdirect.  It’s only now that we are becoming cognizant of these dark practices enough to recognize them for what they are.  The stark truth is that these hunting-circles that procure victims from larger elite slavery networks and paedophile-rings have existed in various forms and cultures for thousands of years.  They are usually administrated and enforced by a specialised priest-class, a faction within the society’s intelligence service, authorised by the sovereigns or rulers who indulge and profit from these black-market atrocities the most.  But it was the industrial revolution that allowed these pathological elites a scope and power unimagined before in human history.  In Britain these human-trafficking networks and elite hunting-circles infiltrated the many mills and workhouses that had sprung up across northern England, especially in Lancashire and West Yorkshire.  These are the Dark Satanic Mills that William Blake alludes to in his powerful poem And Did These Feet In Ancient Time, often colloquially referred to as simply Jerusalem, and eventually adopted by Britain as a kind of unofficial national anthem.  The militant corporatism, oligarchy and austerity-for-the-poor that we are so familiar with today did not begin in the mid-nineteenth century, but it was the time when the ideologies fuelling those practices were galvanized, refocused and optimised like never before in human history.  The Victorian era did not create the darkness and corruption we still experience today, but following the industrial revolution it was that era more than any other that defined the blueprint for today’s modern rapacious elitism.

After the passing of the Offenses Against the Persons Act 1861 these black-market prostitution and slavery networks – what we would today call human-trafficking groups – expanded largely unchallenged for almost twenty-five years.  While these elite networks grew bigger and bolder, the covert administration of these networks was forced to become more sophisticated.  The nature of all business was continuing to transform and grow during the mid-1800s to accommodate the new modernity, and the ancient illegal businesses were no different.  If anything, the passing of the 1861 Act gave them a powerful and singular drive to adapt, to use the changing laws to their advantage, to make new and powerful friends, to not get caught.  The expanding culture meant they would soon no longer have the anonymity that a pre-industrial society afforded them.  The previous laxity of the law could no longer be counted on to protect their interests.  If they wanted to continue to operate and profit in these rapidly changing times they would have to cultivate a new stealth largely unimagined and unnecessary in the openly brutal medievalism they had left behind.  The fact that such slavery networks, prostitution and paedophilia rings were operating around the country – the largest and most ruthless of which were administrated from London – was an open secret among the Victorian aristocracy and power-elites.  To claim otherwise is, in my personal opinion, either simple willful ignorance or sinister complicity.  But as I said, a secret intelligence war had started among these interested parties.  Like all real wars, it was frighteningly complicated.  Various factions formed, allegiances shifted.  These growing and splintering networks began arguing over how best to meet these new times; arguments concerning who would profit, when and how – gang-warfare over territories and resources.  It’s the same in any large organised-crime network.  But these elite sexual-slavery networks were quickly becoming the most untouchable, the best-protected and most liberally financed.


While the elite prostitution and slavery networks continued to operate with new stealth and caution, the growing threat of a wide-scale socialist revolution from the unemployed and working-classes was terrifying both the Victorian aristocracy and the British Royal family.  The ghost of the French Revolution of the late 1700s haunted the British Royals and their enforcers; the way in which the French monarchy was quickly abolished and many of its member summarily executed in the uprising.   It was considered by Britain’s power-elites that the same could happen here.  Anti-Catholic sentiment was also fierce in the largely Protestant country.  Amidst all this, feminist groups were making small but powerful strides in drawing attention to the legal and social oppression of women and children.  Chief among these early campaigners and social reformers was Josephine Butler, a woman from a well-respected family who dedicated her life to pursuing various liberal reforms.  She fought to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts introduced during the 1860s that gave magistrates the authority to subject suspected prostitutes to invasive genital exams under suspicion of having contracted venereal disease.  Infected women were then detained for up to three months in specialist hospitals to be ‘cured’.  Those women who refused to submit to these ‘exams’ were dealt harsh prison sentences.  Josephine Butler famously referred to this practice, not incorrectly, as ‘surgical rape’.  A deeply religious but liberally-minded woman, to some degree Butler understood that she was fighting in the trenches of a secret war between factions of the very establishment that she herself was a part of.  But it was in 1885 that fragments of the sinister truth concerning child-prostitution and human-trafficking exploded into the public consciousness in Britain, especially in London, and threatened these black-market elites like never before. 

In 1885 it was the publication of a series of incendiary newspaper articles entitled The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon that blasted apart comfortable middle-class paradigms and created an unprecedented moral panic on the streets of Victorian London.  It was a journalist for the Pall Mall Gazette named William Thomas Stead, aided by the previously mentioned feminist and reformer Josephine Butler, who eventually forced these issues onto the political stage.  The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon is today considered a sensationalist and manipulative piece of journalism, although historians also concede it was largely responsible for drawing attention to the white slave-trade operating in Britain at the time.  The articles implicated the elites among the aristocracy and middle-classes – as well as senior British officials – in the sexual trafficking of women and children both domestically and abroad.  Many critics attacked William Thomas Stead for the undoubtedly disturbing and morally dubious way he went about bringing this subject to light.  Josephine Butler’s level of knowledge concerning Stead’s true intentions is considered minimal, and as such she escaped the harshest criticisms.  An ex-prostitute and brothel-keeper named Rebecca Jarrett, an associate of Josephine Butler, managed to procure a thirteen year old girl called Eliza Armstrong from her alcoholic mother for the sum total of five pounds, ostensibly to act as a ‘maid’ to an elderly gentleman.  Jarrett claimed the mother was well aware that she was in fact selling her daughter into prostitution. Jarrett then had Eliza examined by a midwife and abortionist who attested to the child’s virginity – young virgin girls allegedly most desired among the clientele of London’s child-prostitution underworld.  Eliza was then taken to a brothel and drugged, to await false purchase by William Thomas Stead acting as the buyer.  After this investigation the child was quickly sent to France and into the care of the Salvation Army.  Stead immediately went on to draft the series of newspaper articles that he would soon publish as The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon.  While nobody involved in the investigation is alleged to have overtly harmed young Eliza Armstrong, she was essentially bought, paid for, examined and drugged – all to prove a point; that a British child could easily be sold into sexual-slavery right under the noses of the lawmakers.  One can only imagine how terrified and bewildered little Eliza must have been by the entire experience.  These were deeply immoral practices conducted by Stead just to make a political statement – blinded to the feelings and experience of one young girl by his fervour to expose the larger corruption.  In order to expose that corruption he attempted to imitate it, to prove how easily it could be done.  At the very least this tells us something of the double-standards and moral mutability involved in Victorian London, even among self-appointed social reformers.  Stead ended up serving three months in prison for his unlawful and disturbingly short-sighted investigative practices. 

But Stead’s Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon did what he had intended it to do – it agitated popular support for protective legislation regarding women and children.  The revelations in the articles caused an unprecedented state of moral panic; respectable citizens were horrified and outraged.  It prompted Parliament to immediately resume the debate over the languishing Criminal Law Amendment Bill – a bill based on the findings of a Select Committee formed by the House of Lords to investigate increases in organised prostitution and white slavery.  Only a month later, due to incredible public pressure because of Stead’s expose, the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 was officially passed.  Among other protective legislations for vulnerable women and children it raised the heterosexual age of consent in Britain from thirteen to sixteen.  The age of consent is still sixteen today in 2015.  But the new Act was not all ground-breaking positive reform.  It also essentially re-criminalized homosexuality, extending buggery laws to include any form of sexual activity between males.  Again, this persecution of homosexuals was opportunistic in the extreme.  They wanted scapegoats.  The warring elite factions that controlled these Victorian sexual-slavery networks were utterly terrified by the 1885 Act and the previously hidden information that The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon had so sensationally exposed to the public.  Many Establishment sympathisers and apologists rushed to claim that Stead’s articles were wildly exaggerated.  No doubt there is some truth to this claim, since William Thomas Stead was a calculating political agitator and intended to make maximum social impact with the publication of his articles.  But it is my contention that while The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon may have been one man’s dubious Victorian agitprop, it only scratched the surface of what was really going on in Britain during the 1800s.  Prostitution, paedophilia and human-trafficking was quickly becoming a transnational enterprise, ruthlessly shifting towards the global black-market enterprise that it has become today – a sickening and reprehensible enterprise worth billions.  Now that this knowledge of organised sexual abuse of both women and children was forever seared into the public consciousness on account of Stead’s articles, the Victorian elites that controlled these sexual-slavery networks were fearful like never before.  We can draw a simple but elegant parallel with today’s numerous claims of ‘historical child sex abuse’ committed by Britain’s rich and powerful.  It is the same basic networks, and the same awful story, separated by over a century of technological and cultural development.  This is what I hope to outline to you, and make self-evident, with these posts.  The same corruption and sickness implied by modern claims of Westminster VIP paedophile-rings, abuses and ritual murder in children’s care homes, military-intelligence complicity in these abuses – these are all manifestations of the same corruption that was operating in the very heart of Victorian London.  There is a long and traceable history to these atrocities, that if properly understood and contextualized implicates some of the most powerful and influential figures within the British Establishment, both today and back then.  


It is here that we wade into even darker conspiratorial waters.  A realm where fiction can become fact and fact can become as fiction – a realm where truth is outcast, synchronicities ignored, strange patterns largely unrecognised for fear of reprisal or ridicule.  I want to restate here, as I did at the beginning of Part One of this post, that these writings are not intended as an unassailable document of objectivity.  These writings are intended as my best research, speculation and insight.  These posts are purely subjective.  I am not trying to convince anyone of anything here, I am only attempting to present key aspects of the suppressed history of Victorian Britain as I best understand it – to highlight the connective tissue of those black-market elites that are inexorably linked to the recent historic child sex abuse scandals that have come to light and are continuing to occur in 2015.  I would hope, whether you believe what I am about to discuss or not, that you give this information the time and consideration it deserves. 

It was three years after William Thomas Stead’s Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon and the passing of the ‘Criminal Amendment Act 1885’ that a series of gruesome, terrifying murders took place during the autumn of 1888 in London’s East End.  A poverty-stricken underclass had been rapidly growing in London during the latter half of the nineteenth century.  The urban poor of the city, especially in the East End’s notorious Whitechapel district, were often referred to by the middle and upper classes as the ‘People of the Abyss’, the Abyss being a synonym for Hell itself.  The People of the Abyss would later become the title of Jack London’s famous first-hand account of life among London’s most mercilessly exploited and rejected.  This growing underclass of illiterate paupers were largely reviled or ignored by those with good social-standing, and were often used as scapegoats for the innumerable problems and social issues that had gripped the Victorian city.  The savage murders of Whitechapel prostitutes from among London’s vast underclass would quickly pass into infamy and legend – becoming known to the world as the Jack the Ripper murders.  William Thomas Stead’s articles from three years previous had already drawn middle-class attention to the horrors of sexual slavery.  The killing and severe mutilation of street prostitutes in a rigorously police-patrolled corner of the East End – and the Ripper’s ability to slip away unnoticed despite the heavy police presence – whipped the entire city into a state of frenzy and hysteria.  Much has been written about the Ripper killings, from both mainstream and alternative/conspiratorial perspectives.  Any notion of conspiracy connected to the Ripper murders of 1888 – or even the simple notion that the killings were more than they appeared to be – is ignored, cast aside, or else mercilessly ridiculed by mainstream historians.  I have written about the mythology and symbolism regarding the popular icon of the Ripper elsewhere on Amid Night Suns.  It was the late author Stephen Knight who was largely responsible for popularising the conspiracy theory regarding the Whitechapel Murders, in his seminal 1976 book Jack the Ripper: The Final Solution.  In that book he outlines a theory in which the five canonical Ripper victims were murdered by a small Freemasonic cabal of men, one of them a prominent Royal physician, to cover-up the secret birth of a royal child to a woman of the lower classes.  This has become known in modern times as the Royal Masonic Conspiracy theory.  Most mainstream historians consider the theory to be nothing more than fanciful, sensationalist nonsense – a thoroughly discredited and debunked popular myth based on the testimony of a single delusional fantasist.  This opinion, though perfectly understandable, betrays a complete lack of context and awareness regarding the case itself, the bizarre handling of the investigation by Scotland Yard and what was simultaneously occurring in the larger society.  It ignores the wealth of rumours and stories at the time of the actual murders, and the strange pieces of corroborating evidence that have since surfaced.  

I would humbly suggest that while Stephen Knight’s theory contains errors, suppositions and leaps in logic it is still a brilliant and lucid piece of investigative journalism for its time.  I would suggest that it is required reading for anyone truly interested in the suppressed history of London and Britain in general.  I would also suggest that Knight’s basic theory is corroborated by various independent sources that have come to light over the years, and that it accounts most tellingly for the various anomalies and bizarre coincidences associated with the murders and their contexts.  Including the fact that the Metropolitan Police Commissioner of the time Sir Charles Warren, a high-ranking Freemason, is on record stating that he privately believed the Ripper to be a member of a secret-society.  Also notable is the fact that the Assistant Commissioner James Monro was forced to resign from his position by Warren just before the murders began, and that Warren then appointed Sir Robert Anderson as Monro’s successor, on the eve of the first canonical murder.  Also of note, aside from other bizarre behaviour and deeply unprofessional conduct from Scotland Yard’s highest-ranking officers, is that Sir Charles Warren himself resigned as Metropolitan Police Commissioner only hours before the hideous murder and mutilation of the Ripper’s last canonical victim – Mary Jane Kelly.  This on its own does not prove prior knowledge of the murder that was about to take place, but considered in context with the large number of other anomalies and coincidences the implication on Warren’s part becomes far more persuasive.  Again, I must reiterate that in my personal opinion what occurred in the autumn of 1888 in Whitechapel was not the work of some lone frenzied sex-killer, or simply a cover-up to silence knowledge of a secret royal child.  It was an attempt to hide the fact that these five women knew each other and that one of these women – Mary Jane Kelly – had intimate knowledge of an elite child-prostitution and human-trafficking network operating in the West End.  She was fearful that the child might be killed or anonymously placed within this network as sick punishment for a perceived royal transgression.  She threatened to expose it, unless she and her friends were paid off and the child was allowed to go unharmed.  After William Thomas Stead’s Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon had brought child-prostitution and white slavery to the forefront of public consciousness three years earlier, the predator-elites operating within London could not allow this greater threat to go unchallenged.  Despite these women having very little social purchase and would likely not be believed, the orchestrators of these networks were unwilling to take that risk.  The threats of nationwide socialist revolution and the dissolution of the ruling power-structure were deemed far too real by those in the British Establishment with vested interests.  Those five women from London’s growing underclass, already abandoned by society, were deemed expendable.  They were punished for threatening to expose the reprehensible crimes of these elites, in the most sickening and ritualistic way imaginable.  

But stolen and abused children are at the heart London’s secret history, and the history of the world, as they are at the heart of all the oldest and darkest fairytales.  In a way, these ancient folklores are just as much about keeping alive knowledge of the hidden corruptions and practices of the human shadow, of the powerful and callous, as much as they are about more unseen, otherworldly influences. With regards to the Ripper case, what we are talking about here is not some enduring Victorian murder-mystery, or modern enthusiasts overlaying the ugly truth of the murders with a veneer of Gothic Romanticism.  No, what we are talking about here is corruption and psychopathy at the very highest levels of power.  The disturbing details and anomalies of the Ripper case are more plentiful than I can outline here, and such details are generally ridiculed or ignored by mainstream historians because they are facts and cannot be debunked, unlike the ostensibly ‘fanciful’ interpretation of those facts.  In my opinion, it requires far more willful creativity to take the numerous anomalies, coincidences and contexts of the Ripper murders and twist those details into an argument for official non-complicity than it does to recognize that an extensive cover-up took place.  Again, I am not trying to convince anyone of anything here.  I am only attempting to present information for those with eyes truly open.  I write here with absolute personal conviction that the Ripper murders were an integral part in a much larger tapestry of criminality and corruption directly connected to the child-prostitution and human-trafficking networks orchestrated by the predator-elites of Victorian London. 

The world’s oldest piece of recorded film – the Roundhay Garden Scene – was shot in the autumn of 1888, the same year and season of the infamous Ripper murders in London.  While women from Whitechapel’s notorious underclass were being murdered and mutilated, and making lurid international news, a man named Louis Le Prince was in Leeds capturing two seconds of moving images on paper-film for the first time in recorded human history.  Le Prince’s life was not without grandeur, strangeness or mystery.  During his adult years he became affiliated with key members of the British Establishment, and was eventually commissioned to produce portraits of Queen Victoria and Prime Minister William Gladstone.  It was these portraits that along with other mementos were placed within a time-capsule that was concealed beneath an ancient Egyptian obelisk that was erected on the Victoria Embankment in 1878.  This obelisk is over three-thousand years old – the oldest known monument in London – and is commonly referred to as Cleopatra’s Needle.  Louis Le Prince’s portraits of the British Queen and Prime Minister still lie concealed beneath the obelisk to this day, but the man himself mysteriously vanished from a moving train on its way to Paris in 1890.  There are many speculations regarding his disappearance, including an assassination over projector-patents, or the staging of his own disappearance for reasons unknown.  The most widely accepted theory is suicide, that he threw himself from the moving train.  In 2003 a photograph apparently surfaced in the Paris police archives that showed an 1890 drowning victim that bears a resemblance to Le Prince.  This photograph has been taken as evidence of the suicide theory concerning his disappearance, but if the man is indeed Louis Le Prince the assassination theory cannot be ruled out on that evidence alone. 

I only mention Le Prince and the famous Roundhay Garden Scene of 1888 to highlight its strange simultaneity with the infamous Ripper murders that were occurring in London.  Interestingly, Roundhay is a suburb of Leeds in West Yorkshire, home to the Dark Satanic Mills alluded to by William Blake in his legendary poem.  But in modern times Roundhay in Leeds is also the place where Sir Jimmy Savile OBE settled for most of his disturbing life.  Savile is discussed extensively in Part One of this post.  Savile died at his home in Roundhay in 2011.  It is curious to consider that apart from being Britain’s most prolific and well-connected paedophile and necrophiliac he was also one of the most famous faces on television for over fifty years, who lived and died in a small Leeds suburb that gave birth to the moving image over a century earlier.  Sir Jimmy Savile OBE, friend and confidante to judges, police-officers, intelligence agents, Prime Ministers and British Royalty, was deeply involved with the twentieth century incarnation of the elite prostitution, paedophilia and human-trafficking networks that I have spent so much time outlining in this post.  Many alternative researchers who are paying due attention to the recent VIP child sex abuse scandals coming to light in Britain have noted potential disturbing connections between Sir Jimmy Savile and the Yorkshire Ripper murders of the 1970s, a spate of prostitute-killings that echoed its Victorian predecessor.  I believe some of these connections to be credible and deeply disturbing, including the fact that Savile himself was questioned several times by the West Yorkshire Police as a suspect and potential witness in the Yorkshire Ripper case.  He was even made to give a plaster-cast of his teeth to check against bite marks on some of the victims.  He had many high-ranking friends within the West Yorkshire Police, and accusations of a cover-up cling to the Yorkshire Ripper case just as they have to the Whitechapel Ripper case of the previous century.  Savile’s questioning by police was kept out of the mainstream press at the time.  Curiously, one of the Yorkshire Ripper victims was a nineteen year old girl named Josephine Whitaker, who was found in a place called Savile Park Moor in Halifax.  The significance of the name of the murder-site is chilling on its own.  Even more curious is the fact that another victim, twenty-eight year old Irene Richardson, was found on the edge of Roundhay Park in Leeds, only literal yards from where Sir Jimmy Savile kept a luxury penthouse flat that bordered the park.  Although his precise whereabouts on the date of the murder are contested he is generally accepted as staying there during the weeks when the murder took place, and it has been noted by former residents of the building that Savile would often go walking or jogging through the park at all hours of the night or morning.  These details alone do not prove Savile’s complicity in the Yorkshire Ripper murders, but what they do highlight at the very least are a series of truly unsettling connections or coincidences.   

What is documented and accepted by the mainstream is the fact that in August 1988, one hundred years after the Ripper murders, Sir Jimmy Savile was appointed by a government health minister as the head of an interim taskforce overseeing the management of Broadmoor Psychiatric Hospital in Crowthorne, Berkshire.  He was given his own set of keys and a special room there.  He was allowed completely unrestricted access to all areas of the hospital – a supposedly maximum-security hospital that housed some of Britain’s most deranged and dangerous predators.  Savile befriended many of these sexual predators, including the Moors Murderer Ian Brady, and most notably Peter Sutcliffe – the man eventually charged with the Yorkshire Ripper murders.  Former staff have stated that Sutcliffe and Savile developed a deep connection during that time, and that Sutcliffe was afraid and in awe of Savile for some reason.  During the investigation by Operation Yewtree into the crimes perpetrated by Savile, it was determined that he indeed abused a number of patients and staff at Broadmoor.  We may never know the full truth concerning Sir Jimmy Savile, or the full truth regarding the scope of these elite prostitution, paedophilia and human-trafficking networks that he was clearly involved with – unless the British public and savvy members of the mainstream press continue to put increasing pressure on the Home Office and the larger governmental power-structure.
But this alone will not bring the truth to light, because these governmental forces are deeply connected and beholden to the very elites that organise and profit from these atrocities.  What is truly required to bring these horrors into the full light of day is dedicated individual research into these sickening crimes and the larger culture of oligarchy and corruption that supports and allows them.  It requires organisation on a large, unprecedented scale.  It requires grassroots activism, and the pursuit of spiritual self-knowledge.  Sexual-slavery and human-trafficking is not a uniquely British problem, as any intelligent observer will be well aware.  It is a global sickness.  What I have described in these posts is happening in various forms all across this planet.  It is the secret shame of modern civilisation – Dark Age medievalism hidden within the shadow of the twenty-first century.  As awful and saddening as these topics are, we can no longer ignore them.  This kind suffering is multidimensional and incredibly dangerous; it leaves scars and ripples both physical and psychic.  Ignoring these things does terrible damage in ways that we have yet to fathom.  I hope these modest posts in some way educate and empower you, dear reader.  Whether you accept every detail and speculation in these posts is irrelevant.  All I ask is that you recognise that I write these posts with an open heart and the best of intentions.  Be a voice for the voiceless, protect the children, the weak and wounded – and try to empower as many people as you can.  When faced with fear and terrifying spiritual darkness, our only real recourse is to reconnect with the Innermost Light at the very heart of ourselves – the power and potential of everything noble that we can become – and to share that light with others who are just as afraid, and to stir their own light so that they may share it in turn.             


  1. Great post, Raj. Discouraging, but a call to action for us all.

    1. I miss and luv ya Raj my friend. My text number is 231 866 0549 and my email is . I hold you in my heart for peace and good outcomes always. You are a pure heart and a nexus point . Life is for you and loves you. The goddesses know you. I send you my hugs and kisses. Old lady hugs and kisses. We get away with the most outragious behavior! I can't wait to party with you. Your very good unknown friend, Delorus